Allan Ellender

Allan Ellender

Allan Ellender nació en Montegut, Luisiana, el 24 de septiembre de 1890. Después de graduarse de la Universidad de Tulane, Nueva Orleans, en 1913, fue admitido en el Colegio de Abogados de Luisiana y trabajó como abogado en Houma.

En 1915, Ellender fue nombrado fiscal de distrito de la parroquia de Terrebonne. Durante la Primera Guerra Mundial se desempeñó como sargento en el Cuerpo de Artillería del Ejército de los Estados Unidos (1917-18).

Miembro del Partido Demócrata, Ellender sirvió en la Cámara de Representantes en Louisiana (1924-36). Fue elegido para el Senado en 1936.

Fuerte oponente del macartismo Ellender fue uno de los primeros senadores en atacar las tácticas de Joseph McCarthy. En el Senado, Ellender se desempeñó como presidente del Comité de Reclamaciones y como miembro del Comité de Agricultura y Silvicultura.

Ellender permaneció en el Senado hasta su muerte en el Hospital Naval Beshesda, Maryland, el 27 de julio de 1972.

Cuando Ralph Flanders de Vermont atacó a McCarthy, el Senado permaneció tan silencioso como unas semanas antes cuando Ellender de Louisiana hizo un ataque solitario y Fulbright de Arkansas emitió el único voto en contra de su apropiación. Solo Lehman de Nueva York y John Sherman Cooper (R.) de Kentucky se levantaron para felicitar a Flanders. Nadie defendió a McCarthy, pero nadie se unió a esas útiles interjecciones que suelen marcar un discurso en el Senado. Cuando el caucus demócrata se reunió a puerta cerrada, el discurso de Stevenson fue ignorado. Lyndon Johnson de Texas, el líder demócrata, tiene miedo de los partidarios de McCarthy en Texas.


Senador Allen Ellender de Louisiana: una biografía

Allen J. Ellender, nacido en 1890 en una plantación de azúcar en Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, se convirtió en uno de los hombres más dominantes en el Senado de los Estados Unidos. Esta biografía, basada en un examen prolongado de los voluminosos documentos de Ellender y una extensa investigación en otras fuentes primarias y secundarias, incluidas entrevistas con personas que conocieron a Ellender durante varias etapas de su dilatada carrera, hace una importante contribución a nuestra comprensión de Louisiana y la política nacional durante gran parte de este siglo.

Ellender comenzó su vida en una familia de granjeros y nunca perdió sus estrechos vínculos con las zonas rurales de Louisiana. Sin embargo, buscó una carrera como abogado y se desempeñó como fiscal de la ciudad y fiscal de distrito antes de ser elegido miembro de la legislatura del estado de Luisiana en 1924. Originalmente un oponente de Huey Long, Ellender se convirtió al longismo después de que Huey fuera elegido gobernador en 1928. Pero porque él se negó a tolerar prácticas cuestionables de arrendamiento de petróleo en tierras estatales, fue pasado por alto como heredero político estatal de Long en los años treinta. En cambio, fue elegido para el Senado de los Estados Unidos, donde sirvió hasta su muerte en 1972.

En Senador Allen Ellender de Louisiana, Thomas A. Becnel rastrea metódicamente la dilatada carrera de este político contradictorio, un hombre que, aunque esencialmente conservador, fue sorprendentemente liberal en muchos temas. Apoyó la legislación progresista en áreas como educación, vivienda pública, censura y la separación de la iglesia y el estado. También fue uno de los primeros senadores en criticar a su colega Joseph McCarthy. Sin embargo, a lo largo de su carrera siguió siendo un firme defensor de la segregación racial.

Durante el largo mandato de Ellender en el Senado, en el que sirvió bajo los presidentes Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson y Nixon, durante la Gran Depresión, la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la Guerra Fría, el macartismo, el conflicto coreano, el movimiento de derechos civiles , y la guerra de Vietnam, estuvo íntimamente involucrado en decisiones y debates que han dado forma a la historia reciente del país. Becnel coloca astutamente a Ellender en el contexto de la historia de su tiempo y el medio social, económico y político de su estado. El resultado es un retrato cuidadoso y equilibrado de uno de los legisladores más influyentes de este siglo.


Lo que reveló el estado del sur de Estados Unidos hace medio siglo sobre el futuro de todo el país

D urante las décadas de 1950 y 1960, publicaciones con sede en Nueva York como TIME, Newsweek o Harper y rsquos dedicó regularmente números especiales o secciones especiales de números regulares al Sur. Todos ellos se enfocaron de una forma u otra en evaluar el progreso de la región en la superación de las barreras del racismo, la pobreza y el atraso educativo que seguían separándola del resto del país, lo que significa, efectivamente, los estados del norte, que durante mucho tiempo habían servido como encarnación. de los ideales estadounidenses de virtud, ilustración y prosperidad.

Esta no fue una práctica aleatoria. Después de todo, Estados Unidos estaba en medio de un movimiento de derechos civiles cuyo objetivo principal en ese momento era derrocar el sistema Jim Crow institucionalizado que todavía distingue al Sur. A mediados de la década de 1960, sin embargo, ya se estaban agitando fuerzas que pronto harían añicos la percepción de un monopolio sureño sobre el racismo y arrojarían serias dudas sobre la presunción de superior virtud del norte. Sin embargo, sin saberlo, el enfoque sureño de los editores en la década de 1960 también podría haber servido para otro propósito, ya que, en retrospectiva, los desarrollos en curso ofrecieron un vistazo a un futuro marcado por cambios dramáticos e imprevistos, no solo para el Sur sino para la nación como un país. entero.

Sintiendo que la Ley de Derechos Civiles de 1964, aprobada y rápidamente promulgada el 2 de julio, marcó un verdadero "punto de inflexión histórico" en las relaciones entre las razas en los EE. UU., Los editores de TIME dedicaron una parte de la publicación del 17 de julio de 1964, edición para evaluar la reacción del sur a la ley durante la primera semana de su vigencia. Aunque habían pasado diez años desde que la Corte Suprema declaró de jure segregación inconstitucional en las escuelas públicas, menos de uno de cada diez alumnos negros en los estados donde supuestamente se habían prohibido los sistemas escolares duales asistían a escuelas racialmente integradas. Ahora, con su prohibición radical de la discriminación racial en lugares públicos como restaurantes y hoteles, la Ley de Derechos Civiles prometía más integración de la noche a la mañana de lo que el decreto de la Corte y rsquos había logrado en una década.

A pesar de las advertencias de que una acción federal tan imperativa podría desencadenar una "guerra de quorace" en el sur, para el claro alivio de los editores de TIME y rsquos, una semana después, esto no parecía estar a la vista. Al otro lado del sur, se vio a negros y blancos comiendo y alojándose juntos sin incidentes en ciudadelas de segregación como Birmingham, Memphis y Jackson, y en Greenville, Carolina del Sur, un joven negro estaba sentado en el mismo comedor del hotel que el senador J. Strom Thurmond, el filibustero jefe contra la Ley de Derechos Civiles.

No todo fue bonito, sin duda en Bessemer, Alabama, seis clientes negros del mostrador del almuerzo fueron golpeados con bates de béisbol por blancos. Aún más inquietante, en la zona rural del norte de Georgia, una explosión de escopeta de un automóvil que pasaba mató al educador negro y oficial de la Reserva del Ejército Lemuel Penn. Aún así, en general, los editores de TIME & rsquos pensaron que & ldquos el cumplimiento inicial del Sur & rsquos con la nueva ley de Derechos Civiles fue, desde cualquier punto de vista, alentador. & Rdquo Este optimismo cauteloso también apareció en un artículo complementario en este número, que aclamó al senador segregacionista de Luisiana Allen Ellender & rsquos advirtiendo que Cualquier otra oposición del sur a la Ley de Derechos Civiles debe respetar el proceso ordenado establecido por la ley como una declaración de sensatez asombrosa y una razón para esperar que la resistencia futura al menos pueda ser perseguida por medios legales en lugar de extralegales.

La aceptación generalmente pacífica de los blancos a la Ley de Derechos Civiles sugirió que incluso si los sentimientos de los sureños hacia sus vecinos negros eran impermeables a la legislación, su comportamiento abierto no lo era. La disposición de los sureños negros de dar un paso adelante para probar la viabilidad real del nuevo estatuto también fue alentadora, aunque poco más que su coraje y determinación para responder al esfuerzo de registro de votantes Freedom Summer que estaba en marcha.

La portada de este número de TIME mostraba un boceto de William Faulkner, y su historia de portada profundizaba en los escritos de Faulkner para & # 8220 un análisis más profundo de las tradiciones, emociones y factores psicológicos & # 8221 que eran a la vez la raíz del problema racial. en el Sur y la clave de su solución. Cuando se trataba de mejorar las relaciones raciales en el sur, Faulkner parecería a primera vista una fuente poco probable de aliento.De hecho, había estado entre los que advirtieron sobre un posible derramamiento de sangre si el gobierno federal actuaba de manera demasiado abrupta para desmantelar la segregación y sus representaciones oscuras y salvajes. del odio racial blanco en novelas como Luz en agosto apenas inspiraba optimismo. Sin embargo, su ficción también ofreció personajes como Isaac McCaslin en Baja Moisés, quien fue perseguido por la culpa y luchó desesperadamente por encontrar el coraje personal para rechazar los rituales y dogmas racistas del Sur blanco. En este sentido, Faulkner también invirtió una gran esperanza en una generación más joven de sureños blancos como Chick Mallison en Intruso en el polvo, quien había desarrollado un escepticismo saludable ante tales prácticas malsanas desde el principio. Faulkner vio que la salvación racial definitiva del Sur no provenía de la coerción legal, sino de cambios en la mentalidad de los blancos de la región, pero aunque estaba sorprendido, también podría haber entendido que su adaptación general a la Ley de Derechos Civiles de 1964 estaba en la menor razón para esperar que el cambio de opinión por el que había trabajado tan duro para lograr por fin pudiera estar en marcha.


MUERE ALLEN J.ELLENDER DE LOUISIANA

El senador Allen J. Ellender oft Louisiana, presidente del Comité de Asignaciones y presidente pro tempore del Senado, murió anoche de un ataque cardíaco en el Hospital Naval Bethesda en Maryland. Tenía 81 años.

El demócrata de Luisiana, que emergió de la maquinaria de Huey Long de los años treinta y veintisiete para convertirse en el tercero en la fila para suceder a la presidencia, se sintió afectado cuando regresó de su estado natal, donde había estado haciendo campaña para su séptimo mandato en el Senado. .

Un asistente dijo que el senador —que había servido en el Senado 35 años, más que cualquier otro miembro actual— se había quejado de dolores de estómago mientras volaba de regreso de Louisiana. Después de llegar a Washington, lo llevaron a Bethesda. donde murió de un paro cardíaco a las 7:15 p.m.

El presidente Nixon emitió una declaración expresando su pesar: “La senadora Ellender fue una buena amigo, buen senador y espléndido norteamericano. En el transcurso de sus 35 años de servicio en el Senado, dejó una profunda huella en la historia legislativa de este siglo, y demostró ser un representante no solo de Luisiana sino de la nación, decidido a hacer lo que él consideraba adecuado. America."

El gobernador Edwin W. Edwards de Luisiana dijo que probablemente nombraría un sucesor temporal para servir hasta después de las elecciones de noviembre.

Luego, dijo el gobernador, nombrará al ganador de esa elección para ocupar el mandato pendiente de la senadora Ellen der & # x27, que finalizará el próximo 3 de enero. Por lo tanto, el nuevo senador tendría unas pocas semanas de ventaja de antigüedad sobre otros estudiantes de primer año electos en noviembre. .

Se espera que la persona designada después de la elección sea el exsenador estatal J. Bennett John Ston, el único oponente importante del senador Ellender en las primarias demócratas de este año, que se celebrarán el 19 de agosto.

El hombre que suceda al senador Ellender ocupará el asiento de un Dixie demócrata picante y expresivo que combinó el conservadurismo sureño con algunas actitudes liberales que a menudo sorprendían a los senadores generalmente conocidos como liberales.

En lo que respecta a los derechos civiles, por ejemplo, el senador Ellender votó en contra del bloque del Sur contra los proyectos de ley de eliminación de la segregación y sus declaraciones, que dudaban de las capacidades de los negros, en Estados Unidos y África suscitaron tormentas de controversia.

Pero en materia de política exterior en los últimos años, por otro lado, la senadora Ellender se convirtió en defensora de relaciones más estrechas con la Unión Soviética y crítica del gasto en defensa.

El senador George McGovern de Dakota del Sur, el candidato presidencial demócrata, recuerda la historia de cómo, hace unos años, él y el senador. Ellender estaba en el gimnasio del Senado para recibir un masaje, y el legislador de Louisiana se inclinó sobre su mesa y dijo:

"George, cuando yo muera, quiero que asumas mi misión de convencer al Senado y al país de que los rusos no son ogros que quieren destruirnos y que debemos buscar mejores relaciones con la Unión Soviética".

El senador Ellender era ampliamente conocido por sus viajes al extranjero y, aunque sus colegas liberales apreciaban sus impresiones sobre la Unión Soviética, apretaban los dientes con ira y frustración por las impresiones que el senador traía de África.

En 1962, mientras visitaba el entierro de Salis en Rhodesia del Sur, dijo que dudaba que los africanos tuvieran la capacidad de gobernarse a sí mismos. El resultado fue que Uganda y Tanganica le dijeron que no era bienvenido en esos países, y la Administración de Kennedy estaba más que molesta.

En 1957, después de otro viaje de 28 naciones al extranjero, el senador El prestamista emitió uno de los extensos informes sobre sus viajes por los que era conocido. En este informe, atacó todo el concepto de ayuda exterior, afirmando que la ayuda económica a gran escala había sido “un fracaso abismal” en todos los lugares donde se había probado.

El senador Ellender, ex presidente del comité de agricultura del Senado, un hombre rico que triunfó como agricultor de papa, generalmente buscaba asegurarse de que los intereses agrícolas del sur estuvieran bien protegidos.

El Sr. Ellender sucedió al difunto Richard B. Russell de Georgia como presidente provisorio del Senado a principios del año pasado. En este cargo fue tercero en la línea de sucesión a la Presidencia, detrás del Vicepresidente y el Vocero de la Cámara de Representantes.

Esto estaba muy lejos del pantano de Louisana, donde nació el señor Ellender en la aldea de Montegut el 24 de septiembre de 1890.

Después de graduarse de St. Aloysius College en New Or y obtener un título en derecho de la Universidad de Tulane, comenzó su carrera pública cuando tenía 20 años y 27 años como abogado de la ciudad de Houma. Se convirtió en miembro de la Cámara de Representantes del Estado en 1924 y en líder de la Cámara cuatro años después, durante la administración del gobernador Huey P. Long.

Se convirtió en una parte central de la maquinaria de Long, y un aliado cercano de su famoso líder, y fue presidente de la Cámara de Representantes cuando Long, entonces un senador de los Estados Unidos, fue asesinado en 1935.

El diminuto Sr. Ellender surgió como el sucesor del Sr. Long, ganando las elecciones al Senado de los Estados Unidos en 1936 y reelegido cada seis años después de eso.

La senadora Ellender se casó con la ex Helen Calhoun Donnelly en 1917, y tuvieron un hijo, Allen Joseph Jr., cirujano en Houma, la esposa de la senadora y # x27 murió en 1949.

El Sr. Ellender, cuyas mordaces palabras en el fragor de la batalla política fueron igualadas por el gracioso encanto sureño en ambientes más relajados, era ampliamente conocido en Washington como un cocinero de platos de Louisiana tan famosos como el jambalaya de camarones.

Entre los que probaron su cocina criolla en sus fiestas de gumbo se encontraban el ex presidente Lyndon B. Johnson y la Sra. Richard M. Nixon.


Política internacional sobre Rusia

Transcripciones de una entrevista de historia oral con Allen J. Ellender el 29 de agosto de 1967 en la Biblioteca John F. Kennedy revelaron que habló extensamente con John Fitzgerald Kennedy sobre un enfoque de política exterior más amigable con Rusia. [2]

"En cada gira que hice después de que él se convirtió en presidente, me llamaron para ir allí y discutir asuntos con él, particularmente cuando hice mi última visita a Rusia. Pasé bastante tiempo con el presidente en diferentes períodos y discutimos bastante sobre Rusia con él, y me complace decir que estuvimos de acuerdo en muchos problemas que enfrentaba la nación en ese momento con respecto a Rusia. Los predecesores del presidente Kennedy sintieron que la mejor manera de tratar con Rusia era para construir este anillo de acero a su alrededor y tratar de aislarlos. No se hizo ningún esfuerzo para que la gente de Estados Unidos se familiarizara con la gente de Rusia y viceversa. Sentí que en lugar de gastar miles de millones de dólares en la construcción de ejércitos y en la construcción de fortificaciones en toda la periferia de Rusia, si gastamos un poco de dinero en programas de intercambio con los rusos para que más rusos pudieran venir aquí y visitarnos y que más estadounidenses pudieran ir a Rusia, probablemente lo haríamos mejor. Le dije que en A mi juicio, era una pérdida de tiempo discutir asuntos con los líderes en Rusia, pero que no sería una mala idea hablar con ellos y hacerles pensar. Pero lo mejor sería que obtuviéramos un programa de intercambio realista en el que muchos rusos vendrían aquí a visitarnos y ver lo que tenemos, y más o menos hacerlos envidiarnos de nuestra forma de vida para inculcarles que, aunque admitimos que bajo el comunismo podrían estar obteniendo más ahora que bajo los zares, sin embargo, existía la posibilidad de que obtuvieran más si pudieran seguir nuestro estilo de vida, o algo de él, en lugar de estar bajo el comunismo donde no podían. No era dueño de una propiedad, donde todo era gobierno y todo eso. Dije, si hiciéramos ese enfoque…. Y me alegra decir que el Presidente quedó muy impresionado con las opiniones que expresé, tanto que me llevé el informe que hice en mi gira, creo que fue en el 61, por Rusia. "

"Ahora, en relación con todo esto, le dije esto. Dije ... Solía ​​llamarlo Jack, sabes que tenía la edad suficiente para ser casi su abuelo. No sería una mala idea que hable con estos líderes, en particular con Jruschov [Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev]. He hablado con Jruschov durante más de cuatro horas una vez en el Kremlin. Cuando fui a hablar con ese hombre por primera vez, pensé que era un payaso corriente, un payaso, y que no tenía nada que ver con él. Pero después de hablar con él durante cinco minutos, pronto descubrí que era un diamante en bruto, y pronto descubrí que es uno de los pocos líderes en Rusia que respondió a la voluntad del pueblo. Creo que sería un buen hombre para contactar con usted ". Más tarde, hizo exactamente eso. Lo conoció en Viena, y hablé con él más tarde, y me dijo que estaba de acuerdo conmigo sobre el hombre, que él era bullicioso y esto y aquello, pero que en el fondo pensaba que Jruschov no era tan malo como Stalin [Joseph Stalin] - me refiero a los predecesores de Jruschov - y que era accesible y que trataba de responder a la voluntad del pueblo. . Y como señalé en mi informe de 1961, encontré grandes cambios en Rusia en comparación con lo que vi en 1955 cuando fui allí por primera vez. Hubo un cambio decidido en que la gente a nivel local recibió más autoridad. Primero fui allí, todo estaba dirigido desde Moscú. Según recuerdo, había sesenta oficinas allí que se encargaban de toda la producción y distribución de todo lo que se producía y distribuía en Rusia. Le conté los cambios que se estaban produciendo y que lo que que debería hacer el país era alentarlo en lugar de desalentarlo. t. Le conté esta historia de que en nuestro programa de intercambio gastamos entre cuarenta y cinco y hasta sesenta millones de dólares por año para tratar de conseguir un programa de intercambio entre nosotros y los distintos países del mundo. Dije, para mi sorpresa, y nombré el año especial, no recuerdo el año en particular que fue, pero creo que fue en el '61 o '62, bueno, cuando nos apropiamos casi cincuenta millones de dólares y solo cuatrocientos y veintisiete mil se gastaron con países detrás del Telón de Acero. Dije: "Estamos perdiendo el barco. Creo que debería gastarse más de este dinero para que los rusos puedan familiarizarse con lo que tenemos y que los estadounidenses se familiaricen con lo que los rusos tienen y hacen". Estuvo de acuerdo conmigo, no es que fuera capaz de cambiarlo demasiado, pero iba en esa dirección. Real y verdaderamente creo que si hubiera vivido, se habría hecho hincapié en un intercambio más realista con el pueblo ruso para tratar de cambiarlo, en lugar de sus líderes directamente. En otras palabras, mi idea era que si podíamos inculcar en la mente del pueblo ruso que había una forma de vida mejor de la que disfruta ahora, ellos a su vez podrían hacer que sus líderes lo hicieran. ¿Ves el punto? Y él estuvo de acuerdo con eso, pensé.

Entrevistador: En sus conversaciones con él sobre Rusia, por lo que sé de usted, tuvo contactos con otras personas además de Khrushchev. Conocía a varios líderes rusos. ELLENDER: Todo el Politburó en ese momento. Entrevistador: ¿Qué nivel de conocimiento tenía Kennedy sobre estas otras personalidades? ¿Sabía mucho sobre ellos? Entrevistador: No, no personalmente, excepto lo que leyó. Mis contactos eran personales, ¿no te das cuenta? Hablé con Malenkov [George M. Malenkov], con toda esa gente. De hecho, Kaganovich [Lazar M. Kaganovich], uno de los líderes del Politburó en ese momento y Mikoyan [Anastas I. Mikoyan] y toda esa gente, discutí todo eso con él. Y puedo decir que quedó muy impresionado. Estoy seguro, como dije, de que leyó mis opiniones sobre los tres viajes que hice a Rusia porque se las puse a su disposición. Por lo que recuerdo, incluso le puse a su disposición uno de los informes que no había impreso porque en este informe había demasiadas cosas confidenciales y secretas que no creía oportuno publicarlas. Siento que puedo tener prejuicios cuando digo esto, pero siento que el difunto Presidente quedó muy impresionado con las conclusiones a las que llegué en muchos de estos programas. Creo que si hubiera podido estar más cerca de él y hablar con él, no se habría apoderado de muchas de estas otras personas que se sintieron diferente a lo que yo hice, porque eso es lo que le está sucediendo hoy a mi buen amigo, Lyndon Johnson. Creo que los militares se han apoderado de ellos y los escucha más que a cualquier otra persona, y ahora está tan profundamente involucrado en Vietnam del Sur que no hay forma de salir. Por supuesto, yo sería el último hombre en la tierra que le aconsejaría que se retirara porque ahora estamos demasiado involucrados y hemos hecho tantas promesas que no podemos liberarnos a menos que de una manera honorable.


Antes de su mandato en el Senado, se desempeñó desde 1924 hasta 1936 como miembro de la Cámara de Representantes de Louisiana de Terrebonne Parish. Fue presidente de la Cámara de Representantes desde 1932 hasta 1936.

Después del asesinato del senador Huey Pierce Long, su esposa Rose McConnell Long fue designada para ocupar el cargo. Ella se negó a postularse por un período completo, y Ellender ganó las elecciones de 1936 para sucederla. [2] [3]

En el Senado de los Estados Unidos, fue conocido por su apoyo a la segregación escolar a través de la firma en 1956 del Manifiesto del Sur. [4] Ellender, un New Dealer [5] fue uno de los veinte demócratas que votaron en contra de matar el plan de empaque de la corte de 1937 de Roosevelt. [6] Ellender también fue un defensor de los subsidios agrícolas y el programa de almuerzos escolares, y se opuso a las investigaciones sobre la infiltración comunista del gobierno de los Estados Unidos realizadas antes de 1954 por su colega Joseph McCarthy, votando a favor de censurar al republicano de Wisconsin. [7] Aunque Ellender más tarde se opuso a la Guerra de Vietnam, votó a favor de la Resolución del Golfo de Tonkin de 1964. [8] Durante su mandato en el Senado fue presidente del Comité de Agricultura y luego del Comité de Asignaciones. Si bien fue considerado un demócrata relativamente más conservador en comparación con sus colegas del partido, ocupó algunas posiciones liberales, como apoyar firmemente los programas sociales defendidos por el presidente Lyndon B. Johnson. [9] [10] Además, Ellender fue considerado un "progresista" en lo que respecta a la censura, la educación, la vivienda pública y la separación de la iglesia y el estado. [11]

Ellender se opuso a las medidas contra el linchamiento, votando dos veces junto con la mayoría de los demócratas del Senado para eliminar tales enmiendas adicionales a fines de junio de 1937. [12] [13]

Después de las elecciones al Senado de 1946 en Mississippi, donde el demagogo segregacionista Theodore Bilbo intimidó y amenazó a los negros, la mayoría de los cuales no eran entonces votantes, los republicanos del Senado, que apenas obtuvieron una mayoría mínima en el ciclo electoral, se movieron para impedir que se sentara. [14] Inicialmente, un comité del Senado de cinco miembros compuesto por una mayoría demócrata de 3 a 2, encabezado por Ellender, se dirigió a Missisippi para investigar. [15] A pesar de los testimonios de negros que fueron amenazados y brutalmente atacados por supremacistas blancos de Jim Crow, Ellender defendió la supresión racista de votantes argumentando que fueron causados ​​por "tradición y costumbre" en lugar de la incitación a la violencia de Bilbo, el comité votó a lo largo de las líneas partidistas para Claro Bilbo, los dos republicanos, Bourke Hickenlooper y Styles Bridges, discreparon del veredicto. [15] Sin embargo, la nueva mayoría republicana en el 80º Congreso se negó a sentar a Bilbo. El colega senatorial de Luisiana de Ellender, John H. Overton, intentó maniobrar en torno a esto introduciendo resoluciones para permitir que el demagogo de Mississippi se sentara mientras continuaban las investigaciones, ya que entonces se necesitaría una mayoría de dos tercios para destituirlo del Congreso. [15] Ambos fueron presentados por mayorías bipartidistas. [16] [17] El gobernador segregacionista de Mississippi, Fielding L. Wright, anunció que si el Senado se negaba a sentar a Bilbo, nombraría a este último como reemplazo. [15] En última instancia, Bilbo, que sufría de cáncer oral después de décadas de incitar a la violencia y promover el fanatismo, nunca regresó al Senado debido a su mala salud y murió en agosto de 1947. Ellender elogió el legado de incitaciones violentas del demagogo de Mississippi diciendo que "murió mártir a las tradiciones del sur ". [15]

En 1948, cuando otros demócratas del sur desertaron a la campaña presidencial de Strom Thurmond en Dixiecrat, Ellender permaneció leal a Harry S. Truman. Aunque Thurmond era el candidato demócrata oficial en Luisiana, el nombre de Truman también fue agregado a la boleta electoral por una sesión especial de la legislatura estatal.

En 1960, Ellender encuestó alrededor del 80 por ciento de los votos emitidos en las elecciones generales contra el republicano George Reese de Nueva Orleans. [18] En 1966, aplastó a dos demócratas, Joseph Davis "J. D." DeBlieu (1912-2005), a la izquierda, y Troyce Guice, a la derecha. [19]

Ellender sirvió en la cámara alta del Congreso desde 1937 hasta su muerte en el verano de 1972. [20] En ese momento estaba haciendo campaña para otro mandato en el Senado. Ellender fue sucedido por la senadora interina Elaine Edwards, la primera esposa del entonces gobernador Edwin Edwards. Su sucesor permanente fue su principal rival principal en 1972, el ex senador estatal J. Bennett Johnston, Jr., de Shreveport, quien ocupó el escaño en el Senado de los Estados Unidos hasta su retiro en enero de 1997. Johnston también había sido el rival de Edwin Edwards por el Partido Demócrata de 1971. nominación a gobernador.

Durante sus dos últimos años en el cargo, Ellender fue Decano del Senado de los Estados Unidos. Su colega senatorial a largo plazo fue el también demócrata de Luisiana Russell Long, el hijo mayor de Huey Long.


Ellender fue fiscal de distrito de Houma de 1913 a 1915 y luego fiscal de distrito de la parroquia de Terrebonne de 1915 a 1916. Durante la Primera Guerra Mundial, se desempeñó como sargento en el Cuerpo de Artillería del Ejército de los EE. UU. De 1917 a 1918.

Ellender participó en 1921 como delegado a la convención constitucional de Luisiana. La constitución aprobada allí por el comité fue retirada en 1974, dos años después de la muerte de Ellender. En 1924 se convirtió en diputado en la Cámara de Representantes de Luisiana, votó y ocupó este cargo hasta 1936. Durante este tiempo fue de 1928 a 1932 líderes de facciones y luego de 1932 a 1936 Presidente de la Cámara cuando fue elegido para el Senado de los Estados Unidos.

Ocupó el asiento que había ocupado Long hasta entonces y que en realidad estaba destinado al candidato demócrata Oscar K. Allen de Winnfield. Allen falleció tras ganar la nominación demócrata por una mayoría de 200.000 votos. Su muerte allanó el camino para la elección de Ellender.

Durante su mandato en el Senado de los Estados Unidos, Ellender se desempeñó como presidente del Comité de Agricultura del Senado de 1951 a 1953, y de 1955 a 1971. Durante ese tiempo, fue un firme defensor de las propiedades gubernamentales de caña de azúcar. Además, como casi todos los senadores de los estados del sur, firmó el llamado "Manifiesto del Sur" en 1956, que condenaba un fallo judicial en materia de igualdad racial. Desde 1971 hasta su muerte también presidió la Comisión de Asignaciones del Senado. Pero también ocupó el cargo de presidente pro tempore del Senado en 1971 y 1972.

Ellender, junto con el republicano liberal Ralph Flanders de Vermont, se manifestaron contra el macartismo y atacaron los métodos de investigación del comunismo utilizados por el senador republicano Joseph McCarthy de Wisconsin.


Entrevista con Allen Ellender, 30 de abril de 1971

Transcripción parcial: Es el 30 de abril de 1971.

Palabras clave: Derechos civiles Comité de Asignaciones del Senado Senador Thomas Connally Caucus del Sur Subcomité de Agricultura Subcomité de Defensa conservacionismo derechos constitucionales obstruccionismo ley parlamentaria derechos estatales

Transcripción parcial: Senadora Ellender, esa fue una muy buena declaración de apertura de su parte.

Palabras clave: Senador de derechos civiles Alden Barkley Senador Theodore Bilbo Senador Thomas Connally Caucus del sur Impuestos de votación del bloque del sur derechos de los estados calificaciones de los votantes

Transcripción parcial: Fue un gran logro, senador.

Palabras clave: Derechos civiles John McClellan John Stennis Lister Hill Pase de lista en el Senado Caucus del Sur Equipo de filibustero de cloture del bloque Sur Quórum

Transcripción parcial: Treinta y ocho años es mucho tiempo para que alguien permanezca en el Senado como lo hizo el senador Russell.

Palabras clave: Ley de Derechos Civiles de 1964 Senador Milton Young Bloque Sur Corte Suprema Constitución de los Estados Unidos obstruccionismo procedimientos parlamentarios derechos de los estados derechos de voto

Transcripción parcial: Senador, sé que sus actividades lo han llevado alrededor del mundo siete veces por vía aérea y ha visitado todos los países excepto Albania.

Palabras clave: África Ebos Fulanis George Marshall Plan Marshall Nigeria WW2 WWII World War 2 World War II ayuda exterior

Transcripción parcial: Senadora Ellender, usted hablando de África y las capacidades de los negros me recuerda algo, y sé que tenemos un tiempo muy limitado.

Palabras clave: Colonialismo Imperialismo Liberia Senador George Aiken Bloque Sur

Transcripción parcial: Senador, sé que hay muchas preguntas que podría hacerle.

Palabras clave: Proyecto de Ley de Asignaciones Presidente pro tempore del Comité de Asignaciones del Senado del Senado

Proyecto de historia oral de Richard B. Russell, Jr.

El senador Allen Ellender entrevistado por Hugh Cates

CATES: Es el 30 de abril de 1971. Soy Hugh Cates y estoy en la oficina del senador estadounidense Allen J. Ellender de Louisiana. La senadora Ellender es demócrata. El senador Ellender es el presidente pro tempore del Senado después de haber sucedido al difunto senador Richard Brevard Russell. También es presidente del Comité de Asignaciones tras haber sucedido al difunto senador Russell.

Estoy aquí con el propósito de hablar con el senador Ellender sobre sus recuerdos personales y su asociación a lo largo de los años con el senador Russell. Senadora Ellender, ¿le importaría recordar cualquier cosa que se le ocurra para empezar acerca de su asociación con el senador Russell?

ELLENDER: Well, I wish to say that Dick Russell was here when I took my oath of office on January 3, 1937. As a matter of fact, he preceded me to the Senate by 00:01:00about four years. Our relationship was very close from there until his death. We served on the Appropriations Committee for quite some time, although that committee is very unglamorous, and we don't have we didn't have too many meetings of the committee. I had quite a close contact with Dick Russell in our fight to retain constitutional rights in the South. The late Senator (Thomas Terry) Connally from Texas was the chairman of our delegation -that is, the Southern caucus, I may say when I came here, and after his death the caucus 00:02:00elected Senator Russell by unanimous consent. Senator Russell was a great leader he was a he had no peer when it came to parliamentary law, he knew it well he was a great historian and a man with a good memory. I remember many instances in which we fought the civil rights battles together, and I remember an incident several years ago when he prevented me from attaining the longest speech on filibuster record. See, I held the (Senate) floor I had the floor for 00:03:00about fourteen hours without stopping and Dick, our general, came to me and said to me, said, "Allen," he said, "we have concluded an agreement with the leadership on the pending question." And he said, "I would suggest that you stop talking." And I didn't like the command of our general, but after talking another fifteen minutes, he returned to me, and like a good soldier, I obeyed the command of my general. But in any event, I held the floor for over fourteen hours and he was very much elated at that. My chief contacts with Dick Russell, 00:04:00of course, were in respect to civil rights, and we studied the problem together we studied methods of how best to cope with the situation, and he was always on top of the subject. Now, during my tenure here, I discussed various phases of our civil rights program, particularly the historical phase of it, and we compared notes and at times I was successful in producing some evidence on the subject that he didn't have, and because of that, I believe, we became very 00:05:00close in the matter and consulted each other frequently. I must say that Senator Russell was a gentleman in every respect, that he was, I presume, in fact I know, one of the most highly thought of senators who ever sat in the Senate. Whenever he talked everybody listened he didn't talk very long or very frequently, but whenever he spoke, he spoke on the subject and he stuck to the subject something that's very rare at times in the Senate particularly during a filibuster. Now, I was proud of the fact that when Senator Russell was sworn in 00:06:00as President pro tempore of the Senate and then became chairman of the committee of Appropriations because of his illness he was unable to attend to all of his duties, and I thought it a privilege to sit in his stead at many hearings that were conducted on the Appropriations Committee. Now, as I recall, Senator Russell created history on the Appropriations Committee in that he came as one of the youngest senators. It is my recollection that he was a member of that 00:07:00committee from the time he came to Washington, which is very unusual, and no man in the Senate ever sat longer on the Appropriations Committee than Senator Russell. That, of course, is the shall we say proper committee of the Senate, one of the most powerful, one that entails more work on any senator, and Senator Russell, of course, was a very able member of the committee not only as its chairman, but as chairman of the subcommittee on defense as well as the chairman of the subcommittee on agriculture. Senator Russell was deeply interested in 00:08:00agriculture, and in that connection, I when I first came here, I was indeed proud and glad and privileged to join him to cosponsor the school lunch bill which is now the law. That bill was enacted back in 1946, as I recall, and Senator Russell was, of course, a member of the agriculture committee for some time, but not at the time that we enacted the school lunch bill. He took an active part in providing the necessary funds for the development of agriculture. 00:09:00He was a great conservationist and he believed, as I did, that the two most important resources that any country has is land and water, and he and I worked as handmaidens in seeing to it that sufficient funds were provided by the Congress for the development of our land and water resources. Now, I could be more specific, but if you have any particular areas in which you would like to discuss, I should be glad to answer such questions as you may propound.

CATES: Senator Ellender that was a very good opening statement on your part. I would like to get back to the area of the filibuster you gave a very good 00:10:00example there when the General came to you twice and suggested that you might quit your particular speech which was nearing a record. Do you have any other such stories that you could relate about the many filibusters which you were joined together in that would maybe give a little clearer insight into the man Richard Russell?

ELLENDER: Well, I participated in all of the filibusters that took place from the time I came in the Senate. My first defense was in the early part of 1938 I can well remember at the time that Senator Connally from Texas was our leader. 00:11:00Now, Connally was a very good man, but I think that Russell made us a much better leader in that he took interest in it. He was knowledgeable, and he assigned to us certain chores which, of course, we followed. Now, Senator Russell was very much interested in the subject, as I was, and I'll never forget my first try at filibustering. Tom Connally was, as I said, the chairman, when I first came here, of our Southern caucus or delegation and when we had our first 00:12:00meeting, Connally went around and asked John Bankhead, "How long can you talk?" John said, "Oh, I guess I can talk two hours." "How about you Kenneth McKellar?" "Oh," he said, "I could talk maybe an hour and a half to two and a half hours." Then Dick Russell, "As long as I can." Then he went to Senator (Walter F.) George, and Senator George gave his limit to which he could go on talking, and then the late Theodore Bilbo from Mississippi and when he came to me and asked me how long I could talk, I told him, I said, "I don't know." But I said, "You 00:13:00let the big guns shoot off and let the popgun call come behind and call me last, and I can assure you that I'll talk as long as I can." Well, to make a long story short: In January and February of 1938, when I took the floor, with the able assistance of Senator Russell giving me all sorts of information that he had on the subject, we were talking about poll tax. It was his view as well as mine, as well as all Southerners that the matter of poll tax was a state issue, that the states had the right under the Constitution to define the rights of voters, give their qualifications, and that it was a matter close to us it was close to the colonies, close to all the states, because at that time it was 00:14:00never intended that the Congress should have any right in establishing the qualifications of voters and that is (was) a burning issue at the time. When I assumed the floor I don't know that I could say that I'm proud of it, but I spoke for six successive days from four and a half to ten hours a day in all I spoke about sixty two hours on the same subject, by the way and again at the end of the sixth day, I was asked by Senator Connally who was then our general, if I would give way to Theodore Bilbo. He couldn't hold down Bilbo Bilbo wanted 00:15:00to talk he had a lot of his constituents from Mississippi in the gallery, and I'd held the floor for these six successive days, and Connally said he thought I had talked enough and I should give way to somebody else. Well, I told him, I said, "Tom," I said, "I told you that I didn't know how long I could talk, but I talked for six days so far" of course, there were interruptions between. We talked I was able to obtain the floor from day to day by unanimous consent. Alben Barkley was then the floor leader in the Senate, and I was willing to go on all night if necessary, but Alben decided that it might be best for us to recess at a reasonable time, after anywheres from ten to twelve hours of session in the Senate. I was encouraged by Dick and others to keep on talking, and 00:16:00that's one record that I established, and nobody has ever exceeded up till now. Except for the fact that I got encouragement from a man like Dick Russell and others, chances are that I would not have established that record, but I was proud to do it and Dick, of course, assisted in this, in my efforts, and I was very proud of the fact that I was able, as a neophyte, which is the second year in which I was in the Congress, to hold the Senate floor so long.

CATES: That was quite an accomplishment, Senator. Senator, I understand that when Senator Russell was the leader of the filibuster he divided the senators up 00:17:00into teams and he instructed them to call roll call votes at the most inopportune time. Do you recall any stories along this line?

ELLENDER: Oh, yes. Well, well, I happened to be captain of one of those teams, and we, of course, discussed strategy behind closed doors with Senator Russell as our leader. As a matter of fact, although each team was supposed to retain the floor during twenty four hours, I think that the team, the members of the team got more rest than the members of the Senate, because we made it possible 00:18:00to have the Senate to meet, let's say, at noon, and someone would get up and talk for as many as six or seven or eight hours and then call a roll call. Then we had someone sit for another, talk for another three hours and when we got in the wee hours of the morning, we were able to get much rest because many of our colleagues went home expecting no roll calls, no quorum calls, and sometimes it required as many as three hours to get a sufficient number of senators to come to answer to the roll call. The strategy was to call, have these roll calls when 00:19:00our colleagues who were in opposition to us were very anxious to sleep. By conducting the filibuster in that manner, it wasn't long that the leadership decided not to have night sessions, and of course, that in a way injured to our benefit. All of these tactics were worked out by a general who was Russell and his captains we were four teams: Lister Hill was captain of one (John Cornelius) Stennis was another I was one and off and on, (John Little) McClellan was and others. We had two -we had four very potent teams there that 00:20:00had a membership on each team of the captain and four or five senators, and of course, we helped each other, and it was a very effective way of carrying on the filibuster so much so that we were able to wear out our opponents even though they didn't have to talk. They became very weary and, of course, succumbed to our request that it was bad for their health for them to have to get up in the wee hours of the morning to come to listen to us. We had it so arranged that, for instance, with my team, nobody knew where any member of our team was except 00:21:00the captain, and when a quorum call was asked by one of the opponents, we saw to it that none of our members were there to make up the quorum call, and sometimes it lengthened the quorum. At one time, I think, we had to actually not one time, but many times had to adjourn without being able to complete the quorum, and that meant quite a lot of time in our favor. We had a magnificent opportunity to rest, whereas our oppressors were busy trying to find out who, 00:22:00where the opponents were so as to come in and make up a quorum. But the strategy that we employed was very effective and we soon got on top of the question, and I feel confident that we could have kept this pace up except for the fact that in 1954 the Supreme Court, instead of passing on the merits of an existing law, actually made law, and it took the problem away from us. From 1954 and on, we had great opportunities to keep on filibustering, but it was not as effective as 00:23:00it was in the early days when the Southerners were able to conduct these filibusters and prevent action, which in our mind, or it was our feeling, was directly against the Constitution. Now, when I first came to Washington we had from forty to as many as forty six senators that we could depend on, that would stick with us in not voting for cloture, but later on our ranks began to grow thin, particularly after the Supreme Court decision. Out of a membership of ninety six we could hardly muster more than twenty five to twenty six, sometimes 00:24:00twenty eight and then after the Congress increased its membership, or the membership of the Congress increased to a hundred, we were not able to obtain the sufficient one third plus one in order to prevent cloture, and of course, it was a sad day in our history when that happened.

CATES: Senator Ellender, these opposing senators were only human do you know of any animosity that was built up towards the Southern senators and more particular to the leader, Senator Russell, because of these tactics?

ELLENDER: No, indeed, I think on the contrary most of them admired us for our ability to sustain ourselves during all these long hours and for our ability to 00:25:00be able to present to the country most, very historic facts about, on the question. We had some mighty good students in the Senate at the time, and of course, one of the main ones was Senator Russell. I personally did a lot of research that was used on the Senate floor, and Senator Russell was mighty quick in acknowledging the discovery of new matters and on several occasions, I had a mighty good administrative assistant here who was a good student, and he found 00:26:00many points of interest that other senators had not thought of, and we went back in history and the record is replete with fine instances of where we were able to show a lot of hypocrisy among those who opposed us. In any event, all of these various conflicts we had between us in the feuding, South and the North, I don't know of any man who really and truly hated us for it on the contrary, they thought we were right, but they didn't have the courage to vote their 00:27:00convictions, and it is my belief that all of the, all of our colleagues from the North admired all of us, particularly Senator Russell for his able and capable leadership.

CATES: Thirty eight years is a long time for anyone to remain in the Senate as Senator Russell did did you ever see him or hear about him ever losing his temper or his cool, so to speak, in any Senate debate, not just the filibuster, but anything that especially might have been an emotionally charged issue?

ELLENDER: Well, I can't say that he didn't lose his temper on two or three occasions, particularly when in debate when people crossed swords with him and 00:28:00taunted him and just argued that he didn't know too much what he was talking about, but I never saw Senator Russell really mad at anybody. He got ruffled up sometimes at the ignorance shown by some of our Northern friends, but he was just as cool as a cucumber at all times, and he kept his head, and that's what made him so effective in debate with our opponents. On parliamentary issues he was always right nobody dared to say, Well, Dick, you're wrong. He knew what he 00:29:00was talking about at all times, but of course, that in itself caused many of our colleagues to have faith in him and he had quite a following, not only among the Democrats, but many of the Republicans loved him because of his tenacity and his ability. As a matter of fact, one of the senators there, Senator (Milton Ruben) Young from North Dakota made many statements on the floor that he thought Dick Russell should be President of the United States and that insofar as he was concerned, whether they defeated him or not in North Dakota, he would support him if he'd ever run for president, or was nominated. But Dick, of course, was a 00:30:00great man, and I think he would have made an excellent president, but we from the South knew all the way that a Southerner had little chance of getting the nomination from the Democratic party because, I believe, of our attitude against the blacks. Now, I'm glad that Dick Russell lived to see that the South was right in its advocacy of states rights. Today our country's in an awful shape I can well see the difference that now exists between the whites and the blacks it's- they seem to that is, the Negroes seem to hate the South, the whites, but 00:31:00when all is well and done, they always come to us the Southerners as their best friends. (Begin Cassette #203, Side 2) I'm truly sorry and I know that Senator Russell was very sorry about learning that the tragedy that followed after the Supreme Court decision. He knew that the best friends that the blacks had were the Southerners, there was no question about that, and he felt as I did, that if this question had been left to the states where it belonged that the blacks 00:32:00would have doubtless fared better. Today, in many areas the blacks are hated, particularly in the North and we in the South still love them, and we work with them. Among other things, that's one thing that Senator Russell hated to see, and that is, this division among the between the Negroes and the blacks (whites), and all of this was caused more or less through politics. The North, the Northern politician was trying to get the Negro on his side by pretending to 00:33:00help him, but instead, the tragedy of all of this was that the Negroes are the victims of all of this. I feel confident that had this gone on as we intended that the Negro would have gotten his voting rights the same as everybody else I know we did it in Louisiana Dick was conscious of that. But to destroy the Constitution, that is, do things that were contrary to that sacred document was what he tried to preserve, and in order to give liberty to some, there was no doubt in his mind and my mind that it would take it away from others, and it's a 00:34:00great pity it happened, and I feel confident that the relationship between the North and the South, as well as the blacks and the whites, would have been more highly respected had we followed the views of Southerners. I'm sure that Dick Russell tried to preserve our Constitution more than any man in the Senate. He had no animosity against colored people on the contrary, he tried to help them all that he could. He fought valiantly for what he thought was right, and I'm proud of the fact that I was one of his backers.

CATES: Senator Ellender, you mentioned specifically Senator Young I have interviewed Senator Young, and he was telling me that he was almost read out of 00:35:00the party because of his actions there. My question now is this, not so much in connection with anyone supporting him as president, but did Senator Russell actively try to promote this coalition between the southern Democrats and the midwestern and western Republicans? What part did he play in that did he play an active part?

ELLENDER: Well, of course, he felt that our only hope was this coalition of midwesterners, that we could get enough support in that area with the South to cope with the situation, but it soon became apparent that that wasn't in the works, and he lost interest in it as I did when we saw some of the 00:36:00midwesterners just as liberal as the northeasterners. We had good friends at the beginning of our fight, but gradually we lost out as I have previously stated.

CATES: Senator, I know that your activities have taken you around the world seven times by air and you've visited all the countries except Albania was this in connection with your Appropriations Committee activities?

CATES: Did Senator Russell discuss with you, or you with him, these various trips?

ELLENDER: Well, when he was chairman of the committee and on the committee, of course, I had to obtain permission from the leadership to travel around, as I did, and Dick Russell was very much interested in what I did and he urged me to 00:37:00keep on this work, because I felt that any information that I could gather on these world tours were very beneficial to the Appropriations Committee of which he was a ranking member then, and he took a great deal of interest in the work that I did. As you stated, I've made seven complete circles of the world, and my objective was to visit every area in order to determine how our moneys were being spent, particularly in this foreign aid program. Fortunately, Senator Russell and I saw eye to eye in this foreign aid program, and we consistently 00:38:00voted against it after the European recovery. It will be recalled that so called Marshall Plan it was originated back in 1947, when General (George Catlett) Marshall made that famous talk at Harvard. I felt then, as I felt until 1951, that it was a good idea for us to assist countries that agreed to help themselves, but it wasn't long that we found out that what many of our erstwhile friends wanted was assistance without a return of help for themselves.

All of these trips that I made were easily studied, that is my reports, by 00:39:00Senator Russell,

and we had a lot of discussion about them and in the archives of the Capitol here as well as in the, every federally owned or operated library in the country all of them have copies of my fourteen reports that I made on my visits, particularly the one to Africa wherein I pointed up to the fact that I thought that we shouldn't interfere with the Africans until they were capable of conducting themselves properly that is, get proper leadership so as to conduct themselves in their various countries to the point where they could create and 00:40:00establish good government. I don't know of a report that I made that caused more worldwide attention than my report on Africa when I pointed out the situation, and the very predictions that I made in this report- which were agreed to by the late Senator Russell, and he coordinated his efforts with me on it where we pointed up, pointed out to the fact that there was such, there was hardly any leadership in Africa and for them to be left alone without proper leadership would lead to chaos, and that's what happened. Everything that I predicted in this particular report came to pass. For instance, this in Nigeria, I couldn't 00:41:00see the creation there of a situation where all of the inhabitants of Nigeria would consider themselves Nigerians. I said that there were many powerful tribes there the Ebos, the Fulanis, and others that they would try to lead the way and that just the British had tried to, many years, to try and get them together, try to make themselves think as Nigerians, had never succeeded, and we couldn't do that. I don't know of a report I made in which Senator Russell took more interest in, because it proved all that they had been talking about in these filibusters about the capability of the blacks. Of course, in my book, I think that blacks under proper guidance can make good citizens, they can make 00:42:00advancements in government, in science, in agriculture, in every phase of our way of life, but there must be a beginning in it and what we were trying to establish was just that, given the opportunity, as much as I was criticized as well as Senator Russell for taking issue on the black question, yet we felt that all people, whether they are black, white, or yellow, should be given the same opportunities to exhibit their talents, to proceed and make a good living if they had the capability to carry on. I know that that was his views as well as mine it's still my views we never tried to stop or prevent the blacks from 00:43:00engaging in any endeavor in any phase of our economy provided they had the capabilities. We did all we could in order to create an atmosphere wherein they could learn, wherein they could become leaders. If our advice had been followed, I repeat, I'm sure that the relationship between the blacks and the Negro, and the whites would be much, much better than it is now.

CATES: Senator Ellender, you talking about Africa and the capabilities of the blacks reminds me of something and I know we have a very limited time and it's really interesting talking with you, sir and this is Senator Russell's proposal 00:44:00to subsidize sending the blacks to Africa if they wanted to. I'm not sure of the date was that in the late forties or the early fifties? Did he ever comment to you about this?

ELLENDER: Oh, yes. Oh si. He made that statement more or less to induce, as you said, those who desired to go. He didn't want to force them to go--but if you don't like America as it is, go back to Africa, and we'll pay your way there and develop your country but there were no takers. The blacks in America made wonderful progress compared to their ancestors and that's what made my report on Africa so interesting to Russell and others, because what I found there was the very thing we were talking about. Here was a huge continent that contained at 00:45:00the time as I recall over two hundred and fifty million inhabitants and there was little progress made in Africa except in the northern part where the Carthaginians and the Spaniards and the Romans and the Greeks came, and southern Africa where the Germans came and the Dutch came and developed the country. But insofar as central Africa was concerned, that is the entire torrid zone and parts of the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, where the main body of the blacks lived, it's incredible what I saw there as late as 1962 when I made my trip there. There was no leadership of any kind. They lived then as they lived five 00:46:00hundred years ago, and it is my belief as well as Senator Russell's that those people should be helped so long as the help given was aimed at having them help themselves, but somehow it never took root. It preferred to remain as it was. There was little way, there was little effort made by them to become progressive, become leaders. Whenever, as I pointed out in my report, some of the leaders made good but they were chopped off and killed and murdered by others who I don't know whether they were envious of them or not, but they didn't seem to like to see some of their comrades go forth and go ahead and try 00:47:00to develop the country. It is only where the leaders in Europe who came to develop Africa was where you saw quite a bit of progress, but personally, as I said in my report, I never saw any in any part of tropical Africa where the bulk of the Negroes lived, where it could be shown that a community was constructed by these people by the use of brick and mortar, nor did I find any area where they developed an economy of their own. And all that was true. Wherever you saw progress, you could trace it back to Europeans coming there to assist in leading the way, but insofar as actual progress was made by the Africans on their own, 00:48:00there was little of that done and what we wanted to do was to try to develop that so that they could make better people of themselves, and wherever they showed leadership, of course, the opportunity was afforded to them to go forward.

CATES: Senator, Senator Russell was much misunderstood and much criticized because of this suggestion, was he not?

ELLENDER: All of us were, because they were blinded they were biased they didn't give it thought they were you know, I, since then I've been doing legislative work now for many, many years twelve years in the Louisiana legislature, and now thirty five here, and I hope to run again in 1972 and if I do run in 1972, I will have been a member of the Senate longer than any man in history, and I'm shooting for that goal now.

ELLENDER: Thank you, sir. We were criticized by a lot of people who didn't know what they were talking about. What we were trying to do was to create a better 00:49:00atmosphere between the whites and the blacks we were willing and we were working hard to give the Negro an opportunity to go forward in keeping with his capabilities, and we were willing to train him. We were willing to there was no effort made in my state, I know, nor in Georgia, to prevent the Negroes from going to colleges. It was open to them. Now, of course, you might have had a few hardheads that prevented it, but as a general rule, they were taken in colleges and given an opportunity to better themselves. And of course, that's what we were after, and that was our idea. But to make it possible for them to become leaders without the capabilities was where we drew the line.

CATES: Senator, I don't know if you saw this on television this week, but 00:50:00Senator George Aiken was on television during the committee hearing, and I believe it was in connection with the peace demonstrations. And he lost his cool, so to speak, and used one word of profanity and told the witness, "If you don't like it in America, get out of America nobody's trying to keep you here."

CATES: That might be a small analogy between the two of them no one is required to stay in this country, and if they can leave, they ought to leave if they want to leave.

ELLENDER: That's exactly right and that's why Senator Russell decided to create that haven for them in Liberia, or any part of Africa. But the trouble was that no people would listen to that. You know, whenever you permit politics to guide your mind or your ways or your to guide you when you're in a legislative body, you seem to lose your sense of reason. You try to do things to please various 00:51:00people, and whenever any man in Congress or in any legislative body loses his sense of reason because of being pressed to do this, that, and the other, he's bound to make bad judgments and he's bound to act contrary to what he should. We've got a lot of pressure groups here in America, and as far as I'm concerned, I try to use my own judgment, and any time that I can't do that, I don't want to be in the Senate. I've tried, as well as Senator Russell, to do the best I could to represent our people and I'm sure that that was foremost in Senator Russell's mind it was not that he was against the blacks. I'm not against the black people at all, and I want to give them all opportunity to show them, to 00:52:00become capable and not deny them the right to do any kind of work if they show capability.

CATES: Senator, I know there are many questions I could ask you. You have a meeting in about two minutes you said at ten o'clock. I would like to ask you this one final question: What do you consider Senator Russell's most outstanding personality trait?

ELLENDER: Well, he had a lot of patience he was a great leader, and he prepared himself for that leadership he was a good student. Of course, in the last few years of his time on earth, he was very ill but still, sick as he was, he 00:53:00retained that coolness and that type of leadership that made of him one of the leading senators in our country.

CATES: Do you think that he-- (phone rings, taping stopped and started again)

Senator, no one should know better than yourself the duties of the President pro tem(pore) of the Senate since you are presently President pro tem(pore). Do you think Senator Russell's health prevented him in filling the job as it should have been filled?

ELLENDER: I do. Well, of course, he did what he could, you see, but he was so ill that he couldn't do justice to it, particularly in the last year, I would say last six months of his existence. But he did the best he could, and under trying circumstances. He was unable to attend to his duties on the 00:54:00Appropriations Committee because that's very strenuous, and I was proud to be able to substitute for him.

CATES: That's the reason I asked you the question, because I knew that you had to substitute maybe the last six months.

ELLENDER: Well, not only that, in fact, the whole year, and I handled the Appropriations bill. He held practically all the hearings, and I was there, and in the 1960 two years ago was the first time when I got the notice only a half hour before the bill came up for consideration. He got me on the line and said, "Allen'" he said, "I can't make it won't you take over?" And I did. And that's when I realized how sick Dick Russell was. And that was in 1969--

ELLENDER: From there on, of course, he got me to take charge. He was a very sick man, but with all of that illness, knowing that he was going to die because of 00:55:00this emphysema he had, he was still much interested in his work and did the best he could in--through proper guidance. And I got a lot of I talked to him quite often, and of course, I was eager to follow his instructions as to what was best to do, particularly on the Appropriations Committee.

CATES: Senator Ellender, I want to thank you on behalf of the University of Georgia and the Richard Russell Foundation for a very excellent interview on your part.

ELLENDER: Well, thank you. I wish I could give you more time because I have many more instances that come to my mind to relate to you.


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About Allen J. Ellender, U.S. Senator

Allen Joseph Ellender (September 24, 1890 - July 27, 1972) was a popular U.S. senator from Houma, Louisiana (Terrebonne Parish), who served from 1937 until his death. He was a Democrat who was originally allied with the legendary Huey Pierce Long, Jr.. As Senator he compiled a generally conservative record, voting 77% of the time with the Conservative Coalition on domestic issues. He was not a "hawk" in foreign policy and opposed the Vietnam War.

Ellender was born in the town of Montegut in Terrebonne Parish. He attended public and private schools and graduated from the Catholic St. Aloysius College in New Orleans, now Brother Martin High School, in 1909. He studied law at Tulane University in New Orleans. Admitted to the bar in 1913, he launched his practice in Houma when he was twenty-three.

Ellender was the city attorney of Houma from 1913� and then district attorney of Terrebonne Parish from 1915-1916. He was a sergeant in the Artillery Corps during World War I, serving from 1917-1918.

Ellender was a delegate to the Louisiana constitutional convention in 1921. The constitution produced by that body was retired in 1974, two years after Ellender's death. He served in the Louisiana House of Representatives from 1924�, serving as floor leader from 1928� and Speaker from 1932�, when he was elected to the U.S. Senate. He took the seat held by Long and slated for the Democratic nominee, Oscar Kelly Allen, Sr., of Winnfield, the seat of the Longs' home parish of Winn. Allen had won the Democratic nomination by a plurality exceeding 200,000 votes, but he died shortly thereafter. His passing paved the way for Ellender's election. Lorris M. Wimberly of Arcadia in Bienville Parish, meanwhile, succeeded Ellender as House Speaker. Wimberly was the choice of Governor Richard Webster Leche and thereafter Lieutenant Governor Earl Kemp Long, who succeeded Leche to the governorship.

Ellender was President pro tempore of the U.S. Senate from 1971�, an honorific position that denoted he was the most senior Democrat. He served as the powerful chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee from 1951 to 1953 and 1955 to 1971, through which capacity he was a strong defender of sugar cane interests. He chaired the even more powerful Senate Appropriations Committee from 1971 until his death.

Ellender was an opponent of Republican Senator Joe McCarthy.

Ellender was also, along with his Southern Democratic colleagues, a strong opponent of federal civil rights legislation. However he supported some state legislation sought by civil rights groups, such as repeal of the state poll tax by the Louisiana legislature. He was the leading sponsor of the federal free lunch program, which was enacted in 1945 and still is in effect it was a welfare program that helped poor students, black and white alike.

Ellender sticks with Truman, 1948

Ellender rarely had serious opposition for his Senate seat. In his initial election in 1936, Ellender defeated Fourth District Congressman John N. Sandlin of Minden, the seat of Webster Parish in northwest Louisiana, in the Democratic primary, 364,931 (68 percent) to 167,471 (31.2 percent). There was no Republican opposition.

Ellender was steadfastly loyal to all Democratic presidential nominees and refused to support then Governor Strom Thurmond of South Carolina for president in 1948, when Thurmond, the States Rights Party nominee was also the official Democratic nominee in Louisiana and three other southern states. Ellender supported Harry Truman, whose name was placed on the ballot only after Governor Earl Kemp Long called a special session of the legislature to place the president's name on the ballot. "As a Democratic nominee, I am pledged to support the candidate of my party, and that I will do," declared Ellender, though he could have argued that Thurmond, not Truman, was technically the "Democratic nominee" in Louisiana.

A rare Republican challenge, 1960

In 1954, Ellender defeated fellow Democrat Frank Burton Ellis, a former state senator from St. Tammany Parish and later a short term U.S. District Court judge, in the party primary, 268,054 (59.1 percent) to 162,775 (35.9 percent), with 4 percent for minor candidates. He faced no Republican opposition.[9]

In 1960, however, Ellender was challenged by the then Republican National Committeeman George W. Reese, Jr., a New Orleans lawyer (born 1924). (Ellender himself had been his party's national committeeman from 1939-1940.) Reese had also previously twice opposed conservative Democratic Congressman Felix Edward Hebert of New Orleans—in the 1952 and again in the 1954 general elections. Reese accused Ellender, who was known for his hostility to Senator Joseph McCarthy, of being "soft on communism". Ellender retorted that Reese's allegation came with "ill grace for the spokesman for the member of a party which has permitted the establishment of a Red-dominated beach head only ninety miles from our shores to attack my record against the spread of communism."

Ellender crushed Reese's hopes of making a respectable showing: he polled 432,228 (79.8 percent) to Reese's 109,698 (20.2 percent). Reese's best performance was in two parishes which voted for Richard Nixon, La Salle Parish (Jena) and Ouachita Parish (Monroe), where he drew less than a third of the ballots�.3 percent in each. In Caddo Parish (Shreveport), Reese finished with 30 percent. Reese was only the third Republican since the Seventeenth Amendment was ratified even to seek a U.S. Senate seat from Louisiana. Ellender ran 24,889 votes ahead of the John F. Kennedy-Lyndon Johnson ticket, but 265,965 votes cast in the presidential race ignored the Senate contest, a phenomenon that would later be called an "undervote."

In 1966, Ellender disposed of two weak primary opponents, including the liberal State Senator J.D. DeBlieux (pronounced "W") of Baton Rouge (1912�) and the conservative businessman Troyce Guice (1932�), a native of St. Joseph, the seat of Tensas Parish, who then resided in Ferriday, and later in Natchez, Mississippi. The Republicans did not field a candidate against Ellender that year.

Ellender cultivated good relationships with the media, whose coverage of his tenure helped him to fend off serious competition. One of his newspaper favorites was Adras LaBorde, longtime managing editor of Alexandria Daily Town Talk. The two "Cajuns" even shared fish stories on many occasions.

In 1972, the Democratic gubernatorial runner-up from December 1971, former state senator J. Bennett Johnston, Jr., of Shreveport challenged Ellender for renomination. Ellender was expected to defeat Johnston, but the veteran senator died during the primary campaign and left Johnston the de facto Democratic nominee. Nearly 10 percent of Democratic voters, however, voted for the deceased Ellender. Johnston became the Democratic nominee in a manner somewhat reminiscent of how Ellender had won the Senate seat in 1936 after the death of Governor Allen. Johnston then easily defeated the Republican candidate, Ben C. Toledano, a prominent attorney from New Orleans who later became a conservative columnist, and former Governor John McKeithen, a Democrat running as an independent in the general election because it had not been possible to qualify for the primary ballot after Ellender's death.

Ellender's immediate successor was Elaine S. Edwards, first wife of Governor Edwin Edwards, who filled his seat from August 1, 1972 to November 13, 1972.

Remembering Senator Ellender

In the Senate, Ellender was known by his colleagues for Cajun cooking from roast duck to shrimp jambalaya. Even as of 2009 the Senate Dining Room still served "Ellender Gumbo."

Ellender Memorial High School in Houma and Allen Ellender Middle School in Marrero are named in his honor.

In 1994, Ellender was inducted posthumously into the Louisiana Political Museum and Hall of Fame in Winnfield.

The Allen J. Ellender Memorial Library on the campus of Nicholls State University is named after him.


Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana: A Biography

Allen J. Ellender, born in 1890 on a sugar plantation in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, rose to become one of the most dominant men in the U.S. Senate. This biography, based on prolonged examination of the voluminous Ellender Papers and extensive research in other primary and secondary sources, including interviews with people who knew Ellender during various stages of his Allen J. Ellender, born in 1890 on a sugar plantation in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, rose to become one of the most dominant men in the U.S. Senate. This biography, based on prolonged examination of the voluminous Ellender Papers and extensive research in other primary and secondary sources, including interviews with people who knew Ellender during various stages of his lengthy career, makes an important contribution to our understanding of Louisiana and national politics during much of this century.

Ellender began life in a farm family and never lost his close ties to rural Louisiana. Still, he sought a career as a lawyer and served as city attorney and district attorney before being elected to the Louisiana state legislature in 1924. Originally an opponent of Huey Long, Ellender converted to Longism after Huey was elected governor in 1928. But because he refused to condone questionable oil-leasing practices on state lands, he was bypassed as Long's state political heir in the thirties. He was elected instead to the U.S. Senate, where he served until his death in 1972.

En Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana, Thomas A. Becnel methodically traces the extended career of this contradictory politician--a man who, though essentially a conservative, was surprisingly liberal on many issues. He supported progressive legislation in areas such as education, public housing, censorship, and the separation of church and state. He was also one of the first senators to criticize his colleague Joseph McCarthy. Yet throughout his career he remained a staunch advocate of racial segregation.

During Ellender's long tenure in the Senate, in which he served under Presidents Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, through the Great Depression, World War II, the Cold War, McCarthyism, the Korean conflict, the civil rights movement, and the Vietnam War, he was intimately involved in decisions and debates that have shaped the recent history of the country. Becnel astutely places Ellender in the context of the history of his time and the social, economic, and political milieu of his state. The result is a careful, balanced portrait of one of the most influential legislators of this century. . más


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